The Islamic Republic of Iran is currently experiencing one of the most severe and decisive crises in its history.
The sharp and irreversible depreciation of the country's local currency, the rial, against the dollar is no longer merely an economic setback, but has transformed into a major political explosion shaking the foundations of the regime.
People pouring into the streets are no longer protesting solely for bread and jobs, but are demanding an end to the decades-long mullah dictatorship and the implementation of fundamental political changes. The regime, as always, responds to the people's outcry not with reforms, but with blood and violence. According to the latest information, at least 10 demonstrators have been killed and hundreds of people subjected to severe torture and imprisoned in the short period since the protests began. Particularly in Tehran, Tabriz, Mashhad, Isfahan, and other regions, protesters are being fired upon with live ammunition, and terror is being perpetrated against the civilian population by special forces units of "Basij" and IRGC. This brutality is a method of governance for the Iranian regime; it should be recalled that during the mass protests that began in 2022 after Mahsa Amini was killed by the morality police for not wearing a hijab, more than 2,000 people were brutally murdered by regime forces, and thousands of young people were subjected to physical and psychological pressure in prisons.
One of the interesting points at the heart of these events is the position of President Masoud Pezeshkian. It is observed that Pezeshkian attempts to adopt a more understanding approach to the people's protests, agrees to some extent with the demands of the protesters, and strives to do his best to improve the economic situation. However, within Iran's existing theocratic governance system, the president's powers are quite limited. The real power and ultimate decision-making authority are concentrated in the hands of the religious leader and the IRGC under his control. Pezeshkian's attempts to establish dialogue with the people are, in fact, blocked by the "shadow state" and the radical faction that governs the country. This indicates that reform efforts in Iran are stifled by the internal structure of the system, and the people's anger is directed precisely at these insurmountable walls.
At the root of the anger in Iranian society lies unbearable social injustice and corruption. On one hand, the IRGC and circles close to the ruling elite monopolize the country's oil, gas, and other natural resources, swimming in billions of dollars of wealth, while on the other hand, ordinary citizens struggle to afford even the most basic food products and fuel. Regularly increasing prices, hyperinflation, and unemployment have pushed the people to the brink of destitution. The IRGC not only plunders the economy but also destroys the country's ecological future. The most striking example of this is the drying up of Lake Urmia. The unplanned water policies pursued by companies under IRGC control, the numerous dams built, and the illegal exploitation of resources around the lake have put this rare natural gem at risk of disappearing. This constitutes a conscious ecological terror directed against the lives and health of millions of people living in the region, especially Azerbaijani Turks.
At the same time, the Iranian people are fed up with billions of dollars of the country's funds being spent on destructive activities and arming proxy groups in countries such as Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and Iraq. This policy, pursued by Tehran with a passion for regional hegemony, is sharply rejected domestically with the slogan "Neither Gaza, nor Lebanon, my life for Iran." The people demand that their money be spent on hospitals, schools, and infrastructure renovation within the country, rather than on foreign terror hotbeds and missile programs. People understand that the regime's attempts to create an image of an "external enemy" are, in fact, a manipulation to cover up internal failures.
The regime's aggressive and interventionist policy has not bypassed Azerbaijan either. The vile ideological propaganda conducted by Iran's official media outlets, particularly "Sahar" TV channel and various social media segments, against our country is well-known to everyone. The regime attempted to manipulate certain masses in Azerbaijan under the guise of religious sectarian unity, target our state's secular structure, and create unrest within the country. However, thanks to the resolute political will of the Azerbaijani state, the people's loyalty to statehood traditions, and the effective measures implemented by law enforcement agencies, these attempts at "revolution export" and treacherous networks were exposed. Azerbaijan's independent foreign policy and path of development are perceived as a threat by Iran's theocratic regime, as this more prominently reveals the failure of the "Islamic model."
Consequently, this system, established in 1979 with promises of "justice" and "freedom," and which transformed Islamic values into a political tool, has today become an ordinary authoritarian regime that sheds the blood of its own people, fosters enmity with its neighbors, and is completely rotten from within. Even the dedicated efforts of figures like Pezeshkian cannot prevent this great destruction, as the system is already consuming itself. With its internal pillars completely weakened, having earned the hatred of the youth, and isolated internationally, the Iranian regime is now approaching the end of its road. History proves that no dictatorship that disrespects the will of the people and the sovereignty of neighboring states can last forever. Iran's future is no longer in the intrigues within the government, but in the hands of the people sacrificing their lives for their freedom in the streets.
